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Mexico’s Sheinbaum pledges robust World Cup security in visit to Jalisco
The Mexican president says 100,000 security personnel will be deployed during upcoming football tournament.
President Claudia Sheinbaum has unveiled a plan to deploy as many as 100,000 members of Mexico’s security forces during the 2026 FIFA World Cup.
Sheinbaum made the announcement during a Friday visit to a suburb of Guadalajara, the capital of Jalisco state.
The area had been struck by a wave of violence after Mexico launched a deadly military operation on February 22 against cartel leader Nemesio “El Mencho” Oseguera, who was killed in an exchange of gunfire.
Sheinbaum used her remarks to reassure the public that Jalisco and the whole of Mexico would be safe, particularly as security concerns ramp up ahead of the World Cup.
“We are here … to tell everyone in Jalisco, all the people of Jalisco, that we are together, that we are working for peace, security and the wellbeing of the inhabitants of this beautiful state,” Sheinbaum said alongside members of her security cabinet.
Mexico is set to host World Cup matches in three cities: Guadalajara, Mexico City and Monterrey. A total of 13 games will be held between the three sites.
But the recent burst of violence has spurred questions about security in Mexico. Officials have sought to assure FIFA authorities and potential travellers that the tournament will be safe.
The World Cup is set to start on June 11, and it is being co-hosted by the United States and Canada as well. The first match kicks off in Mexico City, followed by a second on the same day in Guadalajara.
General Roman Villalvazo Barrios, head of Mexico’s World Cup coordination centre, said that the country’s security plan includes 20,000 military personnel, including National Guard troops, and 55,000 police officers, supplemented by members of private security companies.
“That gives us a total of just over 99,000 personnel,” said Barrios, noting that the government was also coordinating with its co-hosts on security.

The yearly migration of monarch butterflies might best be described as a round-trip relay race.
Multiple generations of butterflies are born, reproduce and die along the journey. The final and most resilient generation makes its southernmost stop in the high-elevation forests of Central Mexico.
Here, after a 3,000-mile voyage from Canada, millions of monarch butterflies rest in the canopies of oyamel fir trees.
Eastern monarchs are the only butterflies in the world that migrate over such long distances and in such a coordinated way. They arrive by the tens of millions in central Mexico in November, overwintering here until March.
“The monarchs we are going to see are going to mate. And then in a couple of weeks, they are going to go to Texas to deposit their eggs,” butterfly expert Teresa Cerapia explains as she takes me to see the butterflies one February afternoon.
“It’s Texas’s job to have enough of that milkweed in a large enough area for her to lay her eggs,” she adds. “Once she lays her eggs, the monarch soon dies and her offspring are born.” Those offspring will mark the first generation of monarchs born on the species’ annual journey.
We’re heading up a winding mountain road to the San Pablo Malacatepec community butterfly area near the Mazahua community of Villa de Allende in the State of Mexico.
Part of the larger Cerro Pelón Sanctuary, these forested hills were once a logging hub but have been formally protected by the Mexican government since 2000. It’s one of a handful of scattered sanctuaries within the larger UNESCO-protected Monarch Butterfly Biosphere Reserve, which spans around 200 square miles in the states of Michoacán and Mexico.
A former member of the reserve’s advisory council, Cerapia currently works as a sustainable tour operator and conservationist with the nonprofit Nación Verde, leading butterfly-lovers on excursions like this one. The proceeds from these tours go toward reforestation and community development.

We ascend higher into the mountains, dodging potholes as Cerapia’s SUV kicks up dust. At 11,000 feet above sea level, the air here is fresh and cool, especially compared to Mexico’s capital.
From the window of her SUV, Cerapia points at towering evergreen trees: the oyamel or sacred fir, as well as some cedar and pine. She also points out the monarch’s main predators, one above and one below: the crow and the mouse.
Although the butterflies here will begin the species’ journey north, they’re technically considered the last generation from the previous journey. The so-called first generation of monarchs are born on the journey, in places like Texas in the Southern United States.
“The first-generation butterflies will live for about a month,” Cerapia explains. “From the moment they’re born, they’ll start reproducing and migrating north further into the United States.”
“Their mission is to reach the Great Lakes,” she adds — “but many won’t make it.”
The cycle repeats for a second and third generation. There’s sometimes also a fourth, depending on environmental conditions that year. Each one lives for about a month, traveling north, reproducing and dying.
Then comes the anomaly, the final so-called Methuselah or super generation.
From birth, these monarchs instinctively know that they must embark on a long journey south. They are hardwired to feed and conserve energy for their migration. They won’t reproduce until spring, after they overwinter.
These Methuselah butterflies are the only monarchs with the longevity and endurance to fly 3,000 miles from Canada and the U.S. Their name comes from a patriarch in the Bible’s Book of Genesis, who was said to have lived to 969 years old.
They travel for six months and live for nine — far outlasting the generations before them. “These are the butterflies we’re going to see right now,” Cerapia says as we get out of the SUV to make the rest of the trek on foot.
Thousands of butterflies cluster on the trees, resting. They’re difficult to see at first, camouflaged against bark by the dull brown undersides of their wings.
Several hundred monarchs dot the soil, having fallen down from exhaustion and cold. They are not dead but merely waiting for the sun to warm up the woods, giving them one of their many nicknames: the children of the sun.
“When the sun hits them,” Cerapia says, “they fly.”
Cerapia walks through the trees. The scent of resinous oyamel seeds fills the air, a delicate piney aroma mixing with smells of damp wood and fresh dirt.
Cerapia was born in the nearby town of Zitácuaro, Michoacán. “When I was a little girl, I would be playing outside, and the sky would get dark from the clouds of monarchs arriving,” she says. “Now, they come more in spurts. There are less of them because of climate change.”
Monarchs get most of their nutrition from the milkweed plant, on which they lay their eggs. They also feed on the nectar of flowers like Mexican sunflower, aster and goldenrod.
A University of Ottawa study from January showed that even a slight temperature increase can reduce the nutritional content of floral nectar — possibly leading to massive population loss for monarch butterflies.
Also in January, the National Wildlife Federation estimated that eastern monarchs have a 48% to 69% chance of going extinct in the next 60 years. The situation is even more dire for the western monarch, with a 98% to 99% probability of extinction in the same time frame. Western monarchs breed west of the Rocky Mountains and typically overwinter in southern California. Both populations have also seen recent disruptions in migratory patterns due to climate change.
To combat these pressures, the three countries on the eastern monarch’s migration path have each committed to taking steps to help conserve monarchs. The U.S. and Canada are tasked with protecting milkweed, the only plant on which the monarch butterfly lays its eggs.
“If this plant disappears, the monarch has nowhere to lay its eggs,” Cerapia says. “And then what happens? They disappear.”
Mexico’s duty is to preserve the oyamel forests that comprise the butterflies’ winter habitat.
That’s why advocates say anti-logging measures are so crucial. Cerapia pointed out trees marked with tape, indicating where butterflies have roosted in migrations past.
In 2000, the Mexican government formally declared this area protected, banning logging. Locals needed to find a way to adapt to the new regulations.
“A lot of communities didn’t agree, but they stopped their logging activities,” Cerapia says. It helped that new conservation jobs soon cropped up from the government as well as nonprofits like Alternare, Fondo Mariposa Monarca, the World Wildlife Fund and Nación Verde. Much of the work involves firebreaks, controlled burns to clear out dead growth and fallen branches that could worsen wildfires.
“Forests sometimes get sick and need to heal,” Cerapia says. “As they say about the phoenix rising from the ashes, the forest does too.”
Despite dire predictions and dwindling numbers, the eastern monarch continues its great migrations, for now at least.
A few hours’ drive away at the Sierra Chincua Monarch Butterfly Sanctuary in Michoacán, tourists for a small fee can follow a public trail up the mountains to see the butterfly colonies.
Some ride small horses to make the steep journey easier. Among the visitors this day are Mexican families, international travelers and local teens on a school field trip.
After a two-hour hike up the mountain trail, we reach our destination, a crest of oyamel firs high up in the mountains.
Around noon, the sun warms up the roosting butterflies.
As they awaken, thousands flutter into the blue sky. It’s as if the trees themselves are splintering into a million little orange fragments.
The monarchs land on people’s shoulders. No one speaks. The only sounds are the soft rustlings of butterfly wings. Even the local guides who make this trip dozens of times a week seem to be in awe.
Soon, the Methuselah monarchs will leave this forest. In a few months, a future generation will return to this same spot as if by miracle. And so the process will continue, year after year, as long as this forest remains and the monarch butterfly survives.

U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer and Mexican Secretary of Economy Marcelo Ebrard have instructed negotiators to begin a scoping discussion on the measures to ensure the benefits of the trade agreement accrue primarily to the parties, including by reducing dependence on imports from outside the region, according to a statement from Greer’s office.Tickets for the playoffs in Mexico that will determine two of the final World Cup berths are being sold by FIFA for less than $17, far less than the $4,185 to $8,680 FIFA is charging for this year’s final in New Jersey.
FIFA put tickets on sale Tuesday for the games on March 26 and 31 in Guadalajara and Monterrey involving Bolivia, Congo, Jamaica, New Caledonia and Suriname.
Tickets are priced at 200 Mexican pesos ($11.30) for the March 26 semifinals and 300 pesos ($16.95) for the March 31 finals.
In Guadalajara, Jamaica plays New Caledonia on March 26 and the winner plays Congo on March 31 for a World Cup berth.
In Monterrey, Bolivia faces Suriname on March 26 and the winner goes up against Iraq five days later.
After global criticism from fan groups, FIFA said in December it will offer a few hundred $60 tickets for every game to the 48 national federations in the tournament proper. Those federations will decide how to distribute them to their most loyal fans who attended previous games.
Most seats on FIFA’s ticket resale platform — seeking to cut out the secondary market and earn FIFA extra 15% fees from buyers and sellers — are well past the $1,000 mark.
FIFA has about 7 million seats to fill for the World Cup matches and said last month it received 500 million ticket requests. FIFA president Gianni Infantino has proclaimed all 104 games are sold out and yet some fans received emails last week offering an extra 48-hour window for tickets sales.
Mexico violence: What happened, FIFA’s response and what it means for the World Cup
On Feb. 22, violence related to the killing of Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generación leader Nemesio “El Mencho” Oseguera Cervantes broke out across Mexico, leading to retaliation in the country that included torched vehicles, blockaded roads and vandalism.
Amid the unrest that ensued after shootouts between the Mexican army and the cartel, professional soccer was impacted through postponed matches. In the men’s top flight, Liga MX’s Querétaro vs. FC Juarez was suspended, as was women’s top-flight rivalry game Chivas vs. América.
Could FIFA World Cup games follow?
With the backdrop of the major tournament that will be co-hosted by Mexico this summer, as well as a group of qualifiers in late March, questions have arisen over the safety of fans who are set to soon visit the country’s tournament sites of Monterrey, Mexico City and Guadalajara.
Since Sunday, signs suggest that order is being restored and soccer is returning. Mexico hosted Iceland in a sold-out friendly at the Estadio Corregidora on Wednesday. In front of a crowd of more than 30,000, and with no immediate reports of issues, the home side claimed a dominant 4-0 victory as they continued preparations for the World Cup.
Nonetheless, after the recent violent scenes, apprehensions and questions remain.
What happened in Mexico?
Approximately two hours southwest of World Cup host city Guadalajara, Mexican forces (with help from U.S. intelligence) took part in a special operation Sunday in Jalisco that killed Oseguera Cervantes, one of the U.S. Department of State’s most wanted fugitives. More than 70 people, primarily members of the Mexican National Guard and criminal suspects, were killed during the clashes between the two groups.
Mexico’s foreign ministry stated that no foreigners had been injured.
Responding to the attack of their leader and as a show of force, cartel members burned vehicles, blocked roads and vandalized businesses across the country — with much of it focused in Jalisco — as locals stayed indoors for their safety.
Some airlines issued travel advisories for airports in Guadalajara and Puerto Vallarta, a city that suffered a prison riot after reports of the facility’s gates being taken down by a car. In a warning for citizens visiting or residing in the country, the U.S. embassy announced that Americans in a number of Mexican states should seek shelter.
By Wednesday, as the turmoil dissipated, the U.S. government said that citizens should “resume standard levels of precaution,” while also noting to monitor local media for updates.
What did local leaders and FIFA say?
On the same day as Oseguera Cervantes’ death, those in charge of Mexican soccer postponed four matches within Liga MX, Liga MX Femenil and the men’s second-division Ascenso MX.
Later on Monday, ESPN sources said that FIFA was requesting details about the security situation in the country. The governing body was reportedly closely following events, particularly in the Jalisco capital of Guadalajara, which will host four World Cup matches and two qualifiers in March.
Jalisco governor Pablo Lemus brushed aside worries on Tuesday.
“There’s absolutely no possibility. Not the two playoff matches, or the four World Cup matches,” said the governor about whether FIFA would intend to take games away from Guadalajara after speaking with an organization representative. Lemus later added, “There’s absolutely no intention on FIFA’s part to take any of Mexico’s host sites away.”
Days after the cartel-related violence, FIFA president Gianni Infantino backed the country.
“Of course, we are monitoring the situation in Mexico these days, but I want to say from the outset that we have complete confidence in Mexico, in its president, Claudia Sheinbaum, and in the authorities,” Infantino said. “We are convinced that everything will go as smoothly as possible.”
Sheinbaum believes that there will be no safety issues for the summer.
“All the guarantees, all the guarantees. There is no [security] risk,” the president said.
As of Tuesday, an ESPN source stated that there are no updates or further information regarding a possible change of World Cup sites.
What’s next for Mexico? Are visiting nations worried?
At time of writing, Wednesday’s international friendly in Querétaro went smoothly with no reported safety problems. Ahead of the 4-0 win over Iceland, Mexico coach Javier Aguirre said that, despite the preceding unrest, the federation ensured that everyone would be safe in the sold-out match.
“We’re sensitive to the current situation,” Aguirre noted before the win. “The people at the [Mexico Football Federation] have assured me that everyone will be safe.
“We’re here. We’re very calm, relaxed, training, we talk about sports … that’s the message I can send to the fans as a football coach.”
It was a good early sign as Mexico attempts to move on, but others, such as a couple of visiting nations next month, are keeping a close eye on what develops after the cartel violence.
Weeks before a high-profile match in Mexico City’s historic Estadio Azteca (recently renamed Estadio Banorte), Portugal’s federation announced that it was “closely monitoring the delicate situation currently unfolding” in the country.
“The Portuguese Football Federation emphasizes that the safety of players, coaching staff and fans is an absolute priority, and this is the main criteria for all assessments and decisions regarding the holding of the match,” it said.
Jamaica federation president Michael Ricketts was sincere about his own feelings heading into Guadalajara next month for interconfederation playoffs that will determine World Cup qualification.
“The games are at the end of March, so we still have another month to see what happens; but it is making me very nervous, to be honest,” he said. “We will be listening out for Concacaf and FIFA to give us instructions [on] whether they are playing the games or whether they are immediately looking for other options.”
At the moment, no matches have been taken away from the country and all signs currently point to Mexico and its three host cities remaining in the picture for the World Cup. But things will undoubtedly be closely monitored going forward.

STRONG FREE SPEECH PROTECTIONS

Mexico prepares for 40-hour workweek by 2030 in major labour overhaul
Mexico’s ruling Morena party hailed the bill’s successful passage after years of back-and-forth with business owners.
Mexico has passed a bill to incrementally lower the standard workweek from 48 to 40 hours, though critics fear the reduction will be offset by increases to the overtime hours allowed.
The bill cleared Mexico’s Chamber of Deputies late on Tuesday with a broad base of support.
Out of 500 deputies, 469 voted in favour of the broad outline of the bill, and none opposed it. Its specific terms were then approved with 411 votes in support.
Still, the votes came after nearly 10 hours of debate, as critics raised opposition to some of the bill’s terms.
Set to begin next year, the reform offers a trade-off. While the total hours in a workweek are slated to decrease, the law permits employers to raise the amount of weekly overtime.
It also fails to change the minimum number of rest days required. In Mexico, the law currently mandates one rest day for every six days worked.
There will also be a delay in when the shorter workweek takes effect. The workweek will be trimmed by two hours per year until 2030.
President Claudia Sheinbaum introduced the proposal in December. It is slated to benefit nearly 13.4 million workers in Mexico.
The ruling Morena party hailed its approval, which follows years of back-and-forth with business owners.
“Productivity is not measured by exhaustion. It is built with dignity,” said Pedro Haces, a Morena representative and the secretary general of the Autonomous Confederation of Workers and Employees of Mexico, a labour organisation.
Mexico has Latin America’s second-largest economy, with a gross domestic product of about $1.86 trillion, according to the World Bank.
But critics argue that it has the worst work-life balance of any country in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Its workers average more than 2,226 work hours per person annually.
Despite these long hours, the nation struggles with the lowest labour productivity and the lowest wages of the organisation’s 38 member states. Roughly 55 percent of its workforce also remains in the informal sector, meaning they lack the legal protections other workers enjoy.
Some members of Mexico’s opposition argued that this week’s bill fails to go far enough.
“The idea of the reform is not bad, but it is incomplete and was done in a rush,” said Alex Dominguez, a lawmaker from the opposition PRI party.
The bill now needs to be approved by two-thirds of Mexico’s state legislatures to go into effect.
While Mexico moves towards a shorter 40-hour workweek, Latin America’s third-biggest economy, Argentina, is taking the opposite approach.
Faced with labour shortages and economic stagnation, Argentina’s President Javier Milei has championed a controversial bill that would extend the workday from eight to 12 hours and restrict overtime pay.
Last week, Argentina’s lower house of Congress narrowly approved the controversial labour reform. It is expected to get a final approval from the Senate in the coming days.
This is the most significant intervention against the cartels since the capture of former drug lord Joaquín “El Chapo” Guzmán in 2016. The CJNG is one of the strongest criminal organisations in Mexico and, alongside the Sinaloa cartel, sits at the centre of US claims about fentanyl production and trafficking.
The killing of Oseguera Cervantes, who is better known as “El Mencho”, may have enabled Mexico’s authorities to secure a political win with Washington. But the operation should not be seen as a victory. What often comes next when the Mexican state removes a high-profile cartel figure like El Mencho is an extended period of violence and instability inside the country.
In my own research on criminal conflict in the Tierra Caliente region of western Mexico, I trace how earlier rounds of arrests and state killings have reshaped local criminal groups, broken alliances and created openings for new players and leaders. It was through this very cycle of state enforcement and cartel reorganisation that El Mencho rose to prominence.
El Mencho began as an operational figure linked to the Valencia cartel, an organisation based in the state of Michoacán. The group lost ground in the late 2000s following sustained pressure from the authorities. After key parts of the Valencia network were dismantled around 2010, El Mencho and other remnants of the group moved to Jalisco further north and founded the CJNG.
The conditions that allowed the CJNG to rise came from the same enforcement repertoire that the authorities have now deployed against it. This pattern matters because it undercuts a common assumption among policymakers, including in US agencies such as the Drug Enforcement Administration, that removing a “boss” equals dismantling a criminal market.
The removal of Mexican criminal leaders does not cause the market for drugs to vanish, nor does it cause trafficking routes to disappear. What changes is the balance of power among groups that already compete for territory, labour and access to ports, roads and local authorities.

Studies that track the so-called “kingpin” strategy, the deliberate targeting of cartel leaders by law enforcement, have found that detentions and killings often trigger short-term spikes in homicides and instability in Mexico. Some work suggests that violence rises for months after a
leader’s removal, while other research shows that the killing of a kingpin can provoke a sharper increase than an arrest.
This happens because an affected cartel faces a sudden succession struggle and employs violence to prevent – or respond to – rivals testing the new leadership and trying to renegotiate areas of control. As criminal groups cannot use the formal court system to resolve disputes, they tend to do so through open violence or bargains enforced by coercion.
This logic of violence has already been seen following El Mencho’s death. Reports of cartel gunmen blocking roads, launching arson attacks and carrying out disruptions across multiple states fit a familiar script: an affected organisation signalling its capacity, punishing the state and warning local rivals not to seize the moment.
Even if the state contains this wave of violence, the deeper risk sits in what follows. A leadership vacuum invites internal fracture and external opportunism from rivals who have waited for an opening to test boundaries and settle scores.
The 2024 detention of Sinaloa cartel leader Ismael “El Mayo” Zambada, for instance, has provoked a wave of violence in Sinaloa state as different factions in the organisation battle for leadership.
US drug politics
Another cycle that keeps repeating across Latin America is that US drug politics shapes security agendas throughout the region. A surge in overdose deaths, for example, can lead to political panic in the US and the application of pressure on Latin American governments to take action, usually through militarised enforcement.
These governments respond with crackdowns, raids and high-profile captures. This is followed by rising violence as criminal organisations fragment and then, after a period of time, governments try to deescalate. The cycle starts again when concern over drug trafficking next arises in the US.
Drug prohibition keeps this cycle alive by ruling out any response other than force or criminal law, while failing to produce meaningful results. Most countries have criminalised drugs. But despite governments reporting rising drug seizures each year, deaths linked to drug use globally continue to climb.
Mexico’s security forces cannot end a transnational market that is financed largely by US demand, no matter how many high-profile arrests they make. Operations that result in the killing or detention of cartel figures instead redirect and reorganise the drug trade, while often intensifying violence.
If Mexico and the US want fewer cartel-related deaths, they need to stop treating kingpin killings as the main metric of success. While a high-profile strike temporarily satisfies US pressure, it is Mexican citizens who all-to-often have to live with the blowback of this approach.
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